100 books like Prequel

I highly recommend this powerful book, which demonstrates how longstanding political divides have thwarted policies not only benefiting communities of color but also marginalized white communities. McGhee reveals a tragic racial history harming the sum of us. 

Critical Race Theory has emerged as a lightning rod, or Rorschach test, pitting progressives and liberals against conservatives and libertarians. But facing down the threats to our democracy demands recognizing the integral role race has played throughout our history and in our politics and culture. 

This amply researched book provides an essential account that should resonate on all sides. McGhee carefully and thoroughly details the longstanding, tragic history of combined governmental policies and private conduct in systematically subordinating blacks in education, housing, zoning and urban development, and lending practices, ultimately harming us all.

I hope all U.S. citizens internalize this book’s essential message. What poses the more serious threat to our ability to continue as a democracy: the events of January 6, 2021, when, for the first time, insurrectionists sought to prevent the peaceful transfer of power or the prolonged build-up to January 6 and its aftermath, marking an ongoing erosion of longstanding democratic norms? 

In this amply researched study, Ziblatt and Levitsky demonstrate that throughout history, although some former democracies have suffered spectacular deaths—a military coup or civil war—most witnessed a gradual erosion process, taking years, even decades, before an inflection point made reversing course impossible. 

We’re all wise to heed the authors’ clarion call to ensure the U.S. doesn’t suffer the fate of other formerly robust, since failed, democracies.

Regardless of personal political ideology, we must all recognize this modern-day profile in courage.  

Few have the moral standing of former Wyoming Congresswoman and one-time rising GOP star Liz Cheney to interrogate the once honorable GOP’s tragic erosion of leadership. Cheney emerged a party pariah not by abandoning conservative values, but rather by refusing to subordinate those values to her party’s absolute embrace of Donald Trump. 

I admire Cheney’s standing firm, resisting Trump’s willingness to undermine longstanding democratic norms, especially his role in fomenting the January 6, 2021, attack on the U.S. Capitol to subvert the peaceful transfer of power. Cheney, whose father was Vice President under George W. Bush, insistently elevated patriotism above partisanship, including serving on the Select Committee to Investigate the January 6th Attack on the United States Capitol.

When giving talks across the country on fixing our broken democracy, I’m always sure to discuss this book. I want citizens to learn the audacious story of Republican operatives, following Barack Obama’s 2008 presidential victory, deploying a targeted hyper-partisan campaign in below-the-radar State General Assembly races. By turning enough blue and purple states red, the GOP empowered those states to gerrymander their House of Representatives maps. 

Although Republicans overreached in thinking they’d entrenched GOP House control for 20 years (it returned Democratic in 2019), the legacy of Redmapping and Bluemapping has been to subvert meaningful electoral representation. Rather than constituents choosing their representatives, hyper-partisan gerrymandering lets representatives choose their constituents. 

RatF**k means a dirty deed done dirt cheap. Fixing our democracy demands knowing how hyper-partisan gerrymandering has RatF**ked our democracy.

It is important for Americans to understand why millions of Germans who were not violent antisemites and racists voted for the Nazis. Looking at the case of a typical German town, Allen shows that economics, culture wars, and fear for the future motivated middle-class Germans to vote for an extremist party – not because of its racism, but despite its racism.

Born in 1934 in Berchtesgaden, in the shadow of Hitler’s Eagles Nest, Irmgard Hunt witnessed the growth of fascist ideology among the people she loved during an otherwise idyllic childhood. As the shadow of World War II fell over the mountain, however, Hunt began to question and then disavow the Nazi doctrines she had accepted as a young child. As time went on and the regime crumbled literally before her eyes, she was vocal in confronting her country’s criminal past and in championing the democratic principles her elders had so easily dismissed.

Fascism and Communism purported to explain all social and political phenomena and, on that basis, justified their authoritarian or totalitarian rule. The term ‘fascist’ tends to be loosely applied to intolerant and autocratic political behaviour, but the outstandingly lucid, and highly readable, book by Robert Paxton not only surveys fascism in practice – in Mussolini’s Italy, Hitler’s Germany and in fascist movements and parties in many different countries – it also shows what its distinctive components are. What he calls the ‘mobilizing passions’ of fascism include the glorification of war and violence, expansionism, racism, a fixation on national solidarity, rejection of the legitimacy of diverse interests and values within a society, and, not least, a cult of the heroic leader, with the leader’s instincts counting for more than reasoned, evidence-based argument.

This is a dazzling mix of theory, sociology, and history. Falasca-Zamponi is attentive to the myths, rituals, festivals and ceremonies, symbols, and recurring images of Italian fascism—and she is attentive, too, to the political power that Mussolini relentlessly drew from such cultural forms.

With tremendous analytical imagination, Falasca-Zamponi unpacks the significance of the fascist salute, Mussolini’s balcony poses, all the axe-and-bundle imagery, those omnipresent black shirts, and the fascists’ distinctive “passo romano” marching style. For me, the heart of the book is its intense analysis of fascist violence as spectacle. Not just spectacle, though. Falasca-Zamponi also makes the case that for the early fascists violence—“great, beautiful, inexorable violence,” in Mussolini’s words—was sublime, regenerative, glorious, salvific.

The early fascists made violence, Falasca-Zamponi suggests, as if it were art. 

In her decades of work on Italy’s Fascist era, Marla Stone has shown an especially keen eye for the development of the regime’s policies and ideologies, whether in the sphere of art and culture, or that of political violence and imperialist aggression. Here Stone offers a succinct and penetrating overview of the origins, rise, consolidation, and eventual crash of Fascism in Italy, followed by a translation of some three dozen primary documents—about a third of which were otherwise unavailable in English—to illustrate her narrative. Particularly chilling are the propaganda texts from 1938 on, when Mussolini’s grandiose claims to the legacy of ancient Rome took a back seat to full-blown racial politics, “as Italians were declared ‘Aryans’ and biological anti-Semitism became part of official ideology.”

Throughout the early 20th century, General Smedley Butler was the go-to commander for overthrowing other countries' governments on behalf of US interests. So, when American fascists conspired to oust then-recently elected President Franklin D. Roosevelt, they recruited Butler to lead their coup attempt. The fascists’ error: they failed to take Butler’s remorse seriously when, in a 1931 speech, he lamented his career as a "…high-class muscle man for Big Business, for Wall Street, and the bankers." The Plot to Seize The White House details how Butler brought the conspiracy down.

I was reminded as I read that there always were—and will be—powerful people eager to topple the barriers democracy puts in their way. But it’s also a reminder that, as in the 2020 election, principled people, in the right positions, make all the difference.