100 books like Global Policymaking

This book is a must-read for everyone who wants to attain a better understanding of global politics and how the current thinking about global governance has evolved.

Keohane and Nye teach us how to analyze interstate affairs through a theoretical lens that is reflective of both interstate competition and interdependence. States compete on their levels of welfare. At the same time, they can benefit from cooperation because the increasing number of cross-border transactions (e.g., flows of money, goods, or people) are often connected to reciprocal costs each state wants to reduce. Embedded in formalized sets of rules and norms, one could think of the GATS agreement supervised by the WTO; these interdependencies must be seen as a dominant structure in an increasingly globalized world.

Though written in the seventies, this book remains a seminal work in the field of international relations, and its relevance to the contemporary world still holds… show more.

This anthology is highly recommended if you are looking for profound and multidimensional analyses of authoritative rule-making systems beyond the nation-state that emerged within the dynamics of globalization.

Readers will find general investigations on the structure and development of the institutional framework of “global governance” next to case studies focusing on how specific issues, e.g., the HIV/AIDS epidemic or transnational finance hazards, are governed within these frameworks. Furthermore, this volume is of great value as it depicts the controversial academic debates on how practices of “global governance” should be interpreted on a theoretical level. One can learn from both: “realist” and “Marxist” critiques on the concept of global governance and its proponents from “liberal institutionalist” and “functionalist” perspectives.

Alongside the explanatory level, the book is rounded off by some normative investigations on how global governance should look in the future in order to overcome patterns of global injustice.

This book offers a comprehensive exploration of the challenges and opportunities facing global governance. Weiss skillfully analyzes the evolving landscape of international cooperation, addressing the “Why?” behind the need for effective governance, the “What?” of its current structures, and the “Whither?” of its future trajectories.

With his insightful perspectives on pressing global issues, Weiss delves into the complexities of power dynamics, institutional frameworks, and the role of state and non-state actors. He identifies five gaps in the present global governance system: knowledge, normative, policy, institutional, and compliance. These gaps must be filled to ensure global governance structures are secured in the face of inevitable challenges ahead.

Engaging and accessible, the book provides a vital roadmap for readers interested in the past and future of global governance.

This work is motivated by the two critical questions concerning the present state and the trajectories of the global governance system. Barnett, Pavehouse, and Raustiala’s responses are developed within a new analytical framework that elevates this book to a modern classic. Their argument extends beyond a mere focus on actors of global politics to emphasize the relations between them. This approach allows them to identify three different modes of global governance: hierarchy, markets, and networks.

Based on this concept and supported by case studies on various political issues ranging from climate change to “fragile states,” the authors show that the dynamic of the global governance system is one of simultaneity. On the one hand, the mode of governance in some policy areas seems rather stable: the prevailing mode of governance here is hierarchy. However, there are areas of change in which hierarchy is more and more replaced by a market… show more.

Every so often, I encounter a piece of writing that is so good—so clear, so well-argued, so thought-provoking, such a needed response to what came before—that it is simply a joy to read. To me, this book is one of those pieces. (If you plan to read it, some prior familiarity with John Rawls’ Original Position thought experiment would be helpful.)

Many think that our participation in shared institutions means justice requires us to safeguard the welfare of our country’s most disadvantaged people. Beitz makes a compelling case that, if this is true, our shared participation in an interconnected global economy means justice also requires us to safeguard the welfare of the most disadvantaged people in the world, no matter their country of origin.

I love this book and recommend it often because of its exceptional forecasting ability. Author George Friedman can’t guarantee the future, but his arguments for likely outcomes are exceptionally cogent and well thought through. The book was written in 2009 and well before the COVID-19 pandemic, which changed things considerably in terms of economic impact, labor scarcity, global migration patterns, and so much more.

Still, its findings are more than insightful and combine a well-honed imagination with historical expertise to forecast the 21st century’s likely trajectory by decade, including the United States, Russia, China, Africa, Europe, and Latin America. It provides a healthy perspective and a 30,000-foot view of what we may likely experience as a planet, especially in geopolitical, technical, and cultural terms. 

This is a must-read for anyone who strives to understand power politics and geopolitics more accurately. Mearsheimer’s interpretation of centuries of power games between nation-states is compelling from a realist point of view. It will make you question accepted assumptions as well as gain clarity when it comes to classifying day-to-day politics. 

I love this book because it made me think and question societal assumptions of geopolitics. It is well-researched and extremely well-written and readable. Clearly, Mearsheimer is one of the most debated and controversial figures in political academia, but I find him one of the most thought-provoking as well.

Anne Applebaum's book is an engaging meld of reportage and personal anecdotes, which explores why so many people have turned towards authoritarianism and illiberal populism. With a particular focus on Poland, Hungary, and the United States, Applebaum illustrates how populist movements exploit societal fears and divisions to gain and consolidate power.

She argues that populism's appeal lies in its simplistic answers to complex problems and its promise of a return to a mythical, idealized past. For Applebaum, those who become populists aren’t just strangers—they’re her former friends, and she wrestles with the question of why people she once admired have come to support anti-democratic, polarising, and authoritarian governments.

Curious about what democratic governments can do? Check out Applebaum's 2024 book, Autocracy, Inc., The Dictators Who Want to Rule the World.

Most Americans misunderstand China, even though one of their greatest statesmen, Henry Kissinger, wrote this brilliant book explaining how the Chinese view the world very differently from the West. One simple example explains it well. The West plays chess, which aims for total victory. The Chinese play weiqi, which aims for protracted campaigns and strategic encirclement.

American strategic thinkers accuse China of military belligerence. Yet, China, unlike the US, hasn’t fought a major war in 45 years. Why not? Kissinger cites Sun Tzu to explain: “Ultimate excellence lies not in winning every battle but in defeating the enemy without ever fighting.” Sadly, the US has embroiled itself in several wars, even after the Cold War ended. The world would be a safer place if Western leaders reread Kissinger’s book.

This is a “big picture” book, providing a grand sweep of international history to readers.

Owen argues world politics involves recurring ideological divides that lead states to forcefully intervene in others’ politics. He looks at Catholic-Protestant tensions in Europe, republican-monarchical conflicts in the 18th and 19th centuries, and the 20th century fight between democracy and totalitarianism.

He then argues the contemporary secular-Islamist division is another case of such a transnational divide, both highlighting the significance of this struggle and rejecting those who would argue there is something exceptionally disruptive about political Islam.

While my scope is much narrower—specific cases of states trying to use religion as a foreign policy tool—I drew on Owen to argue that this is most likely in the case of broad transnational ideological struggles.