Enjoy fast, free delivery, exclusive deals, and award-winning movies & TV shows with Prime
Try Prime
and start saving today with fast, free delivery
Amazon Prime includes:
Fast, FREE Delivery is available to Prime members. To join, select "Try Amazon Prime and start saving today with Fast, FREE Delivery" below the Add to Cart button.
Amazon Prime members enjoy:- Cardmembers earn 5% Back at Amazon.com with a Prime Credit Card.
- Unlimited Free Two-Day Delivery
- Streaming of thousands of movies and TV shows with limited ads on Prime Video.
- A Kindle book to borrow for free each month - with no due dates
- Listen to over 2 million songs and hundreds of playlists
- Unlimited photo storage with anywhere access
Important: Your credit card will NOT be charged when you start your free trial or if you cancel during the trial period. If you're happy with Amazon Prime, do nothing. At the end of the free trial, your membership will automatically upgrade to a monthly membership.
-22% $21.83$21.83
Ships from: Amazon.com Sold by: Amazon.com
$9.65$9.65
$3.99 delivery May 17 - 23
Ships from: TextbookBookie Sold by: TextbookBookie
Download the free Kindle app and start reading Kindle books instantly on your smartphone, tablet, or computer - no Kindle device required.
Read instantly on your browser with Kindle for Web.
Using your mobile phone camera - scan the code below and download the Kindle app.
OK
Refugees of the Revolution: Experiences of Palestinian Exile (Stanford Studies in Middle Eastern and Islamic Societies and Cultures) 1st Edition
Purchase options and add-ons
Some sixty-five years after 750,000 Palestinians fled or were expelled from their homeland, the popular conception of Palestinian refugees still emphasizes their fierce commitment to exercising their "right of return." Exile has come to seem a kind of historical amber, preserving refugees in a way of life that ended abruptly with "the catastrophe" of 1948 and their camps―inhabited now for four generations―as mere zones of waiting. While reducing refugees to symbols of steadfast single-mindedness has been politically expedient to both sides of the Arab-Israeli conflict it comes at a tremendous cost for refugees themselves, overlooking their individual memories and aspirations and obscuring their collective culture in exile.
Refugees of the Revolution is an evocative and provocative examination of everyday life in Shatila, a refugee camp in Beirut. Challenging common assumptions about Palestinian identity and nationalist politics, Diana Allan provides an immersive account of camp experience, of communal and economic life as well as inner lives, tracking how residents relate across generations, cope with poverty and marginalization, and plan––pragmatically and speculatively―for the future. She gives unprecedented attention to credit associations, debt relations, electricity bartering, emigration networks, and NGO provisions, arguing that a distinct Palestinian identity is being forged in the crucible of local pressures.
What would it mean for the generations born in exile to return to a place they never left? Allan addresses this question by rethinking the relationship between home and homeland. In so doing, she reveals how refugees are themselves pushing back against identities rooted in a purely nationalist discourse. This groundbreaking book offers a richly nuanced account of Palestinian exile, and presents new possibilities for the future of the community.
- ISBN-100804774927
- ISBN-13978-0804774925
- Edition1st
- Publication dateNovember 13, 2013
- LanguageEnglish
- Dimensions6 x 0.82 x 9 inches
- Print length328 pages
Frequently bought together
Customers who bought this item also bought
Editorial Reviews
Review
"Allan's book is the key for anyone who wants to understand one of the most dramatic strands of sixty-plus years of Palestinian dispossession." -- Victoria Brittain ― The Political Quarterly
"Diana Allan has finally produced the book on Palestinian refugees in Lebanon that should have been written twenty-plus years ago . . . Brilliantly employing a phenomenological approach, Allan richly portrays the complexities and the frustratingly intricate negotiations among refugees, and between them and Palestinian power sectors as well as Lebanese national institutions, to secure services and meet personal obligations . . . Allan's meticulous research and insightful observations combine with her articulate writing style to produce extraordinary clarity. She brings to life the constant horrors and dilemmas of Palestinian refugee life in Lebanon by providing the contexts and allowing refugees to speak for themselves. . . . Refugees of the Revolution is a groundbreaking book that should be read by all serious scholars of Palestinian studies and solidarity activists who can draw from its pages fresh thinking in how to support Palestinian rights." -- Elaine C. Hagopian ― Race and Class
"Overall, Refugees of the Revolution is a compelling contribution to the fields of Palestine and refugee studies, and an exemplar for political-economic studies of subaltern groups." -- Rana B. Khoury ― Journal of Refugee Studies
"Diana Allan, a British anthropologist and activist, has written an important, provocative, and compelling account . . . This is an honest and provocative book that demands close reading and clear understanding of what the author describes and writes about. Allan is a very careful and introspective writer, acutely aware of every word she writes. She understands how easily these words can be misconstrued and misinterpreted. A compassionate sympathizer with the Palestinian predicament, she nevertheless places her duty as an ethnographer and anthropologist above her personal commitments as an activist . . . [R]ichly researched, amply annotated, and theoretically grounded . . . This book should be read by anyone interested in the question of Palestine and the Palestinian people, especially by politicians and diplomats who debate and negotiate the future of the Palestinians as refugees, as a people, and as a nation." -- Bassam Abed ― H-Net
"Anthropologist Allan's first major publication is a breakthrough study of life in Shatila, the Palestinian refugee camp in Beirut. The book provides powerful insight into notions of nation, exile, homeland, and return through a detailed and provoking study that forces readers to reassess notions about what it means to be a Palestinian refugee." -- The Washington Report on Middle East Affairs
"In this intriguing study, anthropologist Allan provides a fascinating study of Palestinian identity in exile . . . Identity, Allan therefore argues, lies in the local, wherein emotions and cognitions of sociability mark felt experiences of embodied practices. Allan's methodology of 'ethnographies of the particular' underlines this everyday aspect of lived experiences and, in many ways, identifies the book's major contribution to anthropology and Middle Eastern studies . . . Highly recommended." -- B. Rahimi ― CHOICE
"Diana Allan's ethnographic study provides insight into the day-to-day struggles of the residents of the Shatila Palestinian refugee camp in southern Beirut. Through her direct experience in the camp and extensive interactions with the refugees, Allan applies a phenomenological lens to create a collection of narratives based on qualitative research. Refugees of the Revolution weaves stories of the pragmatic survival of Shatila's refugees, to highlight the wider implications of marginalization. Allan's work provides a well-grounded insight into the interdisciplinary effects of refugee life without imposing policy." -- Middle East Journal
"This beautifully written ethnography provides a powerful account of the Palestinian refugee experience in Lebanon. Basing her analysis in the complexities of refugee lives, rather than on received frameworks, Diana Allan has produced a work whose ethnographic richness is matched by its theoretical acumen. Refugees of the Revolution should be read by anyone interested in structural poverty or long-term displacement." -- Ilana Feldman ― George Washington University
"In an ethnography marked by analytical subtlety, empathy, and political courage, Diana Allan raises questions around the way that activists and researchers working in Palestinian refugee camps focus on the national past, neglecting everyday poverty, survival economies, hopes for the future, individual memories. Her careful attention to the words and lives of Shatila people has produced a study that makes us think again." -- Rosemary Sayigh ― author of The Palestinians: From Peasants to Revolutionaries
"With intelligence and compassion, Diana Allan has captured the experience of Palestinian refugees in Lebanon today. An outstanding book, and an important reminder that there can be no just settlement of the Palestinian-Israeli conflict that overlooks the rights of refugees." -- Eugene Rogan ― author of The Arabs: A History
"The presumed primacy of economic deprivation over nationalist ideology is among the hottest topics not only in contemporary Palestine studies but also in much of the anthropology of social suffering. For that, and for its excellent ethnographic quality, Allan's timely book has been among the most debated novel works in the field since its release." -- Leonardo Schiocchet ― American Anthropologist
"By combining ethnographic observations with quotations from informal interactions and formal narrative interviews, [Allan] reveals that daily life in the camp constitutes a struggle that is economic and existential, as well as political." -- Helen Taylor ― Refuge
About the Author
Excerpt. © Reprinted by permission. All rights reserved.
Refugees of the Revolution
EXPERIENCES OF PALESTINIAN EXILE
By Diana AllanStanford University Press
Copyright © 2014 Board of Trustees of the Leland Stanford Junior UniversityAll rights reserved.
ISBN: 978-0-8047-7492-5
Contents
List of Illustrations......................................................viiAcknowledgments............................................................ixNote on Transliteration and Translations...................................xiiiIntroduction...............................................................11 Commemorative Economies..................................................372 Economic Subjectivity and Everyday Solidarities..........................693 Stealing Power...........................................................1014 Dream Talk, Futurity, and Hope...........................................1375 Futures Elsewhere........................................................1616 Many Returns.............................................................191Conclusion: The Roots of Exile.............................................213Notes......................................................................229References.................................................................269Index......................................................................293CHAPTER 1
COMMEMORATIVE ECONOMIES
ONE MORNING IN EARLY MAY 2004, at the start of what some residents of Shatilajokingly refer to as "the tourist season," I stopped by Najdeh, a women's NGO,to see Samar, a friend who worked there. During the summer months Najdehbecomes home to a steady flow of foreigners, principally activist delegationsand volunteers working with children. On this particular day, a battered minibuswas parked outside the entrance, and I could hear foreign voices over theearly-morning din of the camp. Inside, a group of middle-aged Americans,mainly women, were seated around a small table littered with pamphlets aboutNajdeh's work. Mazen, a young Palestinian American man working with a US-basedright-of-return organization, was midway through a presentation onthe history of the 1948 expulsion. I found a chair at the back of the room andsat with Umm Qasim, one of the center's coordinators. She explained that thegroup was part of a New York coalition that had come to Shatila to learn aboutthe problems Palestinians faced in the Lebanese camps.
After coffee was served, Mazen recounted to the group a story my friendSamar had just told him about her father. "I want to share with you Samar'sstory," Mazen began:
When her family first came to the camp in the early 1950s from Tripoli, wherethey had been living since they were forced out of Palestine in 1948, her fatherplanted the same trees and plants they had in Palestine.... He also planted agrape vine that he tended every day. During the 1982 Israeli invasion his house wasdestroyed and so were the plants and the vine.... Afterwards he rebuilt his houseand planted another vine that he calls the symbol of his future and of his hope.
This narrative, as related by Mazen, sought to highlight the continuity of Palestinianculture, the tenacity of peasant traditions, and localized structures ofbelonging in exile. The hope alluded to is, implicitly, that of return. Mazen'speroration made this explicit: "The right of return and the desire to go backto Palestine, to our villages, is at the center of every refugee's identity. The realNakba was not just the loss of our land but the total destruction of the socialfabric" The director of Najdeh, who had chaperoned the group, then added, "Itis very important that you tell your communities in America how refugees inShatila are suffering and how we still remember our villages in Palestine andwant to return to them." Deeply moved, a member of the group responded:"Please tell Samar and your colleagues here that we haven't given up on them."
For the next few hours I accompanied the delegation as they were escortedby Samar through the camp, first to the mosque to see the tombs of refugeesburied during the sieges of the War of the Camps, and then to the burial groundfor the victims of the 1982 massacre, just south of the camp. The group wanderedaround the memorial site, taking photos and looking at the graphic imageserected on large billboards around the periphery: montages of black andbloated bodies piled in the streets and in the foreground a woman screaming.The display was framed by a quote: "What is ... the Guilt She Committed tobe Murdered?" As we stood in the shade of one of the trees near the entrance,Samar recalled her own memories of the massacre for the visitors. About halfan hour later the same dusty minibus pulled up outside the gate of the groundsto take the group back to their hotel.
As I reflected on the day's events, I was struck by the almost total absenceof any discussion of the quotidian concerns of camp residents. Shatila, whenit was discussed at all, was presented as the negation of everything believedto constitute an authentic Palestinian community. The discussion had beenthematically dominated by an idealized pre–1948 Palestine, a backdrop ofcultural and political wholeness against which the camp—temporary, fragmentary,defined by abnormality and lack, without cultural integrity or intrinsicworth—figured as a pathological foil. Mazen's talk, structured as it wasaround nostalgic descriptions of life in Palestine, interwoven with accounts ofrefugee steadfastness in Lebanon, presented identity as a function of memoryand a relation to the past, animated by what had been lost rather than whathas been created. Mazen had effectively glossed over the history of the campitself, the material conditions shaping the lives of Palestinians in Shatila today,and the fraught relations that refugees have with their host society. It was asif attending to the complex support structures that have kept the communitygoing, or local forms of affiliation that have taken root after generations inexile, would somehow compromise or contaminate a continuity of attachmentto a Palestinian homeland.
Commemorative activities such as these are increasingly important forNGOs and other local institutions, and I attended a great many of them in thecourse of living and working in Shatila. After the 1993 Oslo Accords revealedthe Palestinian Authority's willingness to sign away the right of return, commemorating1948 became a way for refugees to counter their political marginalization,resist normalization of the expulsion, and underscore that they werenot willing to concede the right of return. The Palestinian scholar Lena Jayyusinoted that foregrounding the Nakba was understood to be central to the preservationof Palestinian identity: "Our narrative of dispossession, so fundamentalto our moral condition, and to our national and collective claims, and to thepossibility of genuine restitution, still needs to be spoken and insisted upon"(quoted in Sayigh 2006, 134). As Palestinians in Lebanon found themselvesmarginalized and excluded from negotiations, the political and institutionalvalue placed on Nakba commemoration increased. Nakba-themed plays, films,art exhibits, oral history projects, and memorial books documenting personalhistories of villages and cities in Palestine proliferated.
The 1998 celebrations of Israeli independence further raised the historicalstakes. In stark contrast to previous years, the fiftieth-anniversary commemorationsof the Nakba were accompanied by demonstrations in downtown Beirut,widely circulated right-of-return petitions, and public debates. Such events,supported by local and international right-of-return groups, NGOs, and politicalfactions in the camps, focused discussion of the "refugee problem" andthe suffering of Palestinians in Lebanon around the issue of historical responsibility,foregrounding that of Israel and deflecting that of the Lebanese governmentand its discriminatory policies (al-Hout 1998; Khalili 2007; Sayigh 1998b).Both explicitly and implicitly, these commemorative events also reinforced thenationalist argument that when refugees reject naturalization in Lebanon, theyare not acquiescing to a Lebanese caste system tantamount to a second, contemporaryphase of their dispossession but rather are adopting a position ofprincipled agency regarding their historical dispossession by Israel.
That this campaign of commemoration was at its height when I beganworking in Shatila in 2002 has had profound implications for the original conceptionand final argument of this book. Just as the moral imperative to bearwitness to 1948 felt by camp institutions representing refugee interests—as wellas by academic and international activist networks—was decisively shaped bya particular political moment, so, too, is my analysis of the politics of commemoration.And, if anything, this interest of NGOs, activists, and scholars indocumenting and publicly commemorating the 1948 expulsion has gained momentumover the past decade.
The growing prominence of camp NGOs and solidarity networks as mediatorsof national claims and cultivators of nationalist sensibility, moreover, isrepresentative of a broader shift in the nature of Palestinian resistance in Lebanon.After the PLO departed in 1982, marking the end of the military strugglefor national liberation among Palestinians in Lebanon, refugees increasinglyaddressed their claims to the international community, framing their strugglein terms of human rights and international law (Allen 2009; Khalili 2007).A consequence of this shift has been the evolution of a rights-based approachto activism, promoted in large part by civil institutions in the camps. LikeNajdeh, many Palestinian NGOs have turned to commemoration and testimonialas a way of attracting attention and support from the international humanrights community. While institutional investment in commemoration remainsstrong, the last few years have witnessed a sharp fall in communal participation;refugees increasingly see these events and practices as directed at an internationalaudience and motivated by the funding considerations of NGOs.
In Shatila, this cottage industry of commemoration has cropped up aroundnot only the Nakba but also the other instantly recognizable symbol of collectivePalestinian victimization, the 1982 Sabra and Shatila massacre. Demonstrationsand rallies are organized on May 15 to mark the anniversary of the Nakba,to which foreign donor organizations are invited, and a committee of local andforeign activists now organizes an annual march to the Sabra and Shatila memorialsite. In the course of these events, foreign visitors are often taken to thehomes of camp elders to hear personal accounts of the 1948 expulsion or to visitsurvivors of the 1982 massacre. Those with firsthand knowledge of these eventsare increasingly called upon to inhabit the valued roles of victim or survivorbecause their narratives merge individual recollection with a collective memoryof persecution in a way that resonates with the moral and political goals ofPalestinian nationalism.
Though elegiac in tone, elders' narratives invoke a form of reminiscence inwhich evidentiary claims and causal explanations take precedence over moreephemeral, idiosyncratic, or trace elements of memory and experience. It oftenseems as if the rhetorical power of these types of narrative, which have becomesynecdochic of the Palestinian struggle, has subsumed a plurality of memoriesand stories into a singular narrative of loss, erasing less starkly political strataof experience. This politics of commemoration has also created a hierarchy ofexperiences deemed worthy of retention and fostered the belief that daily lifein Palestinian communities—in all its minutiae—is always a direct reflectionof larger political forces. The net result is that macrohistories masquerade asmicrohistories.
COLLECTIVIZING MEMORY
During the early years of exile, the term Nakba had not yet acquired symboliccurrency, and the expulsion more often represented a moment of weakness andhumiliation to be exorcized than an event to be actively commemorated. Refugeesexpected that their exile would be temporary; they referred to themselvesas "returnees" and actively resisted using the term Nakba, fearing that it lentpermanency to their situation. In the 1950s and early 1960s other, more euphemisticterms were employed to describe the events of 1948, including "the rape"(al-ightisab), "the events" (al-ahdath), "the exodus" (al-hijra), and "when weblackened our faces and left" (lamma tsakhamna wa tla'na). While Palestiniannationalism thrived in Lebanon in the 1970s under the leadership of the PLO,the focus was on revolution and renewal, making the invocation of 1948 memoryneither desirable nor appropriate. It was not until the 1990s, largely inresponse to the perception that Yasser Arafat was on the point of signing awaythe right of return in exchange for Palestinian statehood, that a renewed interestin commemorating the Nakba developed among institutions representingPalestinian refugees in Lebanon, in large part as a signal to the internationalcommunity that this right was not negotiable.
Narratives about the Nakba have since emerged as the symbolic linchpinof collective identity and the bedrock of nationalism. Personal histories thatmemorialize villages and cities and lay claim to the land are both an assertionof ownership in the face of dispossession and a challenge to the erasures of ahegemonic Israeli narrative. Rashid Khalidi notes that "an attachment to place,a love of country and a local patriotism"—in short, parochial loyalties—constituted"the crucial elements in the construction of nation-state nationalism"among Palestinians (1997, 21). Mass displacement and the creation of a diasporawere key to Palestinian nation formation, and Palestinian nationalism continuesto draw on idioms of home and homelessness. Alienation and exile deepenthe need to reconstruct a homeland; they generate acts of imagination believedto be essential to the forging of national identity. Edward Said described thePalestinian diaspora's impulse to cultural creativity as deriving from this "perilousterritory of not-belonging" (1984a, 50). Indeed, the very absence of a stateand national institutions has increased the prestige of Palestinian intellectuals,activists, and scholars in the field of Palestine studies, whose work has collectivelyconsolidated this nationalist discourse and helped to fashion a vocabularyof cultural authenticity and belonging.
The writings of Mahmoud Darwish—Palestine's most beloved poet—arethe best example of this phenomenon, transforming Palestine and the collectivesuffering of its people into lyrical archetypes of sumud. In his classicprose poem Memory for Forgetfulness (Dhakira li-l-nisyan) Darwish addressesan imagined Israeli reader: "The true homeland is not that which is known orproved.... Your insistent need to demonstrate the history of stones and yourability to invent proofs does not give you prior membership over him whoknows the time of the rain from the smell of the stone. The stone for you is anintellectual effort. For its owner it is a roof and walls" (1995, 72). The image ofthe Palestinian as viscerally attached to—even synonymous with—the land isset against the abstract, intellectual, or archeological claims of Zionism. Thestruggle is framed in terms of two kinds of knowledge, one ontic and the otherepistemic, with the former lived and the latter learned. While the poem's narratorclaims to remember in order to forget and to reconcile, the work is clearlyabout the need not to forget. Underwriting this need is a perception that forPalestinians, individual forgetting is tantamount to an erasure of self; collectiveforgetting, in the words of the Palestinian psychologist George Awad, to "psychicgenocide."
The power of collective memory and the existential threat posed by forgettingare indeed pervasive themes in much Palestinian scholarship and literature.The continued existence of Palestine and its people, it is assumed, nowdepends on a consciously remembered history and cultural tradition. By extensionof this logic, it is thanks to their mnemonic tenacity that Palestinian refugeesin the diaspora, despite the long years of exile, have defied all predictionsthat they would eventually become Lebanese, Syrian, Jordanian, or other nationalities.This refusal to forget or disappear symbolically imparts to their sufferingand marginality a "latent form of power" (Sayigh 2006, 134).
By a further extension of this logic, nowhere is memory claimed to be—orrhetorically constructed to be—more authentic or vital than in the camps. Thecamps are where, in spite of the poverty and powerlessness of refugees—or perhapsbecause of it—"the Palestinian national spirit was, and still is, burning.They are the real Palestinians" (Klaus 2003, 129, emphasis added). The memorializingconsciousness believed to structure refugee experience in exile is oftencharacterized as a compulsive desire to map, through narrative, "every tree,every stone fence, every grave, house, mosque, every street and village square[the refugees] had left behind." Cartographic naming practices and the creationof intimate records of a lost past "make the absent present."
Palestinian historian Elias Sanbar goes one step further, describing this experiencein terms of radical substitution and synecdoche: "To rescue their land,"he writes, "the refugees would gamble everything on taking it with them, graduallybecoming the temporary replacement of their homeland.... They wouldlive as if they were everything—Palestine and Palestinians, a people and itsland" (2001, 90). Tellingly, Sanbar collapses the distinctions between memoryas recollection and memory as cultural reproduction, making it almost indistinguishablefrom culture or identity. In other words, for refugees, the memoryof 1948 is presented as the essence of their identity and humanity.
The rhetorical power of memory and cultural transmission in the contextof the camps also draws upon the belief that disempowered communities arepreternaturally oriented toward remembering and have a rich, spontaneousoral tradition—the "social glue" of identity politics—through which they recordthe injustices and suffering of the past. The claim that Sanbar and othersappear to be making—that the identity of refugees from different generations,with different experiences, remains an enduring constant—does not accountfor the passage of time, for the disparateness of individual memory, or, mostcontroversially, for the fact that new avenues of aspiration and belonging maybe decoupling the nationalist dyad of territory and home.
(Continues...)Excerpted from Refugees of the Revolution by Diana Allan. Copyright © 2014 Board of Trustees of the Leland Stanford Junior University. Excerpted by permission of Stanford University Press.
All rights reserved. No part of this excerpt may be reproduced or reprinted without permission in writing from the publisher.
Excerpts are provided by Dial-A-Book Inc. solely for the personal use of visitors to this web site.
Product details
- Publisher : Stanford University Press; 1st edition (November 13, 2013)
- Language : English
- Paperback : 328 pages
- ISBN-10 : 0804774927
- ISBN-13 : 978-0804774925
- Item Weight : 15.7 ounces
- Dimensions : 6 x 0.82 x 9 inches
- Best Sellers Rank: #2,347,945 in Books (See Top 100 in Books)
- #1,075 in Islamic Social Studies
- #2,096 in Human Rights Law (Books)
- #2,182 in African Politics
- Customer Reviews:
About the author
Discover more of the author’s books, see similar authors, read author blogs and more
Customer reviews
Customer Reviews, including Product Star Ratings help customers to learn more about the product and decide whether it is the right product for them.
To calculate the overall star rating and percentage breakdown by star, we don’t use a simple average. Instead, our system considers things like how recent a review is and if the reviewer bought the item on Amazon. It also analyzed reviews to verify trustworthiness.
Learn more how customers reviews work on Amazon-
Top reviews