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Objective Troy: A Terrorist, a President, and the Rise of the Drone Hardcover – Deckle Edge, September 15, 2015
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Scott Shane, who has covered terrorism for The New York Times over the last decade, weaves the clash between president and terrorist into both a riveting narrative and a deeply human account of the defining conflict of our era. Awlaki, who directed a plot that almost derailed Obama’s presidency, and then taunted him from his desert hideouts, will go down in history as the first United States citizen deliberately hunted and assassinated by his own government without trial. But his eloquent calls to jihad, amplified by YouTube, continue to lure young Westerners into terrorism—resulting in tragedies from the Boston marathon bombing to the murder of cartoonists at a Paris weekly. Awlaki’s life and death show how profoundly America has been changed by the threat of terrorism and by our own fears.
Illuminating and provocative, and based on years of in depth reporting, Objective Troy is a brilliant reckoning with the moral challenge of terrorism and a masterful chronicle of our times.
- Print length416 pages
- LanguageEnglish
- PublisherTim Duggan Books
- Publication dateSeptember 15, 2015
- Dimensions6.58 x 1.4 x 9.49 inches
- ISBN-109780804140294
- ISBN-13978-0804140294
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Editorial Reviews
Review
A finalist for the 2015 Investigative Reporters & Editors Awards
One of The New York Times Book Review's 100 Notable Books of 2015
Praise for Objective Troy:
“An authoritative, nuanced chronicle of Mr. Awlaki’s life and the Obama administration’s decision to end it . . . Engagingly detailed . . . A well-sourced, judicious chronicle.” —Steve Coll, The New York Times
"A lucid and richly informed account . . . Shane offers a detailed and convincing narrative." —The New York Times Book Review
“Mr. Shane performs a valuable service by stripping away many myths that surround Awlaki.” —Max Boot, The Wall Street Journal
“A gripping account of the hunt for Anwar al-Awlaki.” —Foreign Affairs
"Remarkable . . . A dark and fascinating new book . . . Shane’s investigation into what he describes as the president’s radicalization is one of the most thorough and level-headed that has been penned to date . . . A crucial read." —Bookforum
"A revealing and impressively detailed book." —Michiko Kakutani, The New York Times
"[Objective Troy] delves deeply into a single life and still comes up with questions. This is perhaps its greatest service. It is an object lesson in the limits of the search for a root cause." —The Washington Post
“An enthralling story. . . . One of the best books on al-Qaeda and the 9/11 era. . . . Shane joins a distinguished list along with Lawrence Wright, Jason Burke and Peter Bergen.” —The Times Literary Supplement
“A fascinating book . . . Shane bases his account on extensive interviews, dogged research, and years spent closely tracking the course of these events, and he poses the important questions of justification, legal and moral, that US actions have provoked.” —Thomas Nagel, The London Review of Books
"Remarkable . . . Objective Troy is a gripping read." —Benjamin Wittes, Lawfare
“A gripping, deeply reported tale of sex, religion, radicalization, and betrayal. In the telling, Shane reveals a strange truth: the key to understanding Awlaki’s actions, and his fate, is recognizing how American his story is . . . The reason we know as much as we do about the killing—and other drone strikes—is because of the efforts of reporters like Scott Shane. Read his book.” —Commonweal
"The story [Shane] tells of Anwar al-Awlaki’s life and death is deeply instructive, as is his account of Barack Obama’s decision-making. Anyone interested in understanding the allure of radical Islam, and thinking about ways to counter it both on and off the battlefield, would do well to study this work." —Gabriel Schoenfeld, The Weekly Standard
"Scott Shane has done a masterful job of fleshing out the missing link in the evolution of Al Qaeda. The life of the American-born imam, Anwar al-Awlaki, serves as a cautionary tale about the conflict between Islam and the West, and about America’s role in the Middle East. Years after his assassination by an American drone strike, Awlaki’s voice continues to summon young Muslims to the fight." —Lawrence Wright
"Scott Shane has written a bracing story about America's most notorious extra-judicial killing, the 2011 drone shot that took out the American-born terrorist preacher Anwar al Alwaki. Here is by far the best reporting on the subject, from Alwaki's gradual evolution into a violent extremist to the Obama administration's internal struggles -- moral and legal -- over how to use the drone, a troubling but undeniably effective new weapon. Thorough and exceedingly fair, chocked with surprising detail, Objective Troy asks all the right questions, and will leave any reader wondering whether the United States, just because it can remotely assassinate terror threats, should." —Mark Bowden
"No one has written a better book about Obama's war against terrorists. Shane is a superb reporter and a wonderful story teller. I literally could not out this book down. It will join a short list of books that helps all of us to really understand the wars against terrorist groups that have defined US foreign policy since 9/11." —Peter Bergen
“Scott Shane has written a 21st century morality tale about a president steeped in Constitutional law and his hunt for a charismatic American terrorist—who just happens to be a ‘skirt-chasing mullah.’ But this murder mystery is alarmingly all true. The writing is riveting, the intelligence sources are impeccable and the book is quietly elegant—echoing the human story told in Lawrence Wright’s The Looming Towers. Shane's Objective Troy is destined to become a classic text on both the Obama Presidency and drone warfare.” —Kai Bird
Scott Shane is unsurpassed in shedding clear light on America's darkest secrets, including the gripping human drama behind a drone strike that changed history. It's a story that had to be told, and must be read." —Jane Mayer
About the Author
Excerpt. © Reprinted by permission. All rights reserved.
Merry Christmas
Sheikh Anwar had instructed him to make sure the airliner was over American soil when he pushed the plunger on the syringe. With only sixty minutes left in the eight-and-a-half-hour flight from Amsterdam, Umar Farouk Abdulmutallab kept his eyes fixed on his video screen, tracking the location of the big Airbus as it moved across the map. Nearby, other passengers dozed and watched movies.
When the tiny image of the plane approached the American border, the twenty-three-year-old Nigerian squeezed past the American college student next to him and retrieved a small bag from his carry-on in the overhead compartment. Then he headed to the bathroom, where he made one last check on the equipment, performed a ritual washing, and doused himself with cologne to cover any chemical odor. He was a warrior now, one of the mujahideen. He’d soon be a shaheed, a martyr for Allah, only for Allah. America was his target, chosen for him in Yemen by Sheikh Anwar al-Awlaki.
It was America, after all, that was slaughtering Muslims in so many countries--Afghanistan, Pakistan, Iraq, Somalia, and now, of course, Yemen. It was to Yemen, the land that the Prophet Muhammad had once declared to be the home of true belief and wisdom, that Abdulmutallab had come a few months earlier in search of Sheikh Anwar, whom he knew from hours online listening to the cleric’s calm, erudite lectures.
Over time, Abdulmutallab had found his way from Sanaa to Sheikh Anwar al-Awlaki’s hideout in Shabwah province in the south. The sheikh had tested him and found him worthy of a martyrdom mission. He had then sent him to Brother Ibrahim, the bomb maker, who had explained to him the technical details of pentaerythritoltetranitrate, the explosive known as PETN, and had fitted him with the strange undershorts that had the plastic bag sewn inside. Always the diligent student, Abdulmutallab had worn the underwear for three straight weeks, removing it only to shower, so that he could grow accustomed to it and make sure it was not noticeable to the people he encountered.
As the airliner descended toward Detroit, Abdulmutallab returned to his seat, mumbling to his seatmate that he did not feel well. He pulled the blanket over his head and groped for the syringe attached to the bag in his underwear. This was the moment he had trained for, for which he had given up an easy life as the son of a wealthy Nigerian banker.
Below his window seat over the wing, 19A, the dense Detroit suburbs of the Downriver area scrolled past and the jetliner banked toward Detroit Metro Airport. It was a land of infidels, obsessed with material things--he had seen it, in a visit to Houston for an Islamic conference the previous year. The Americans were at war with Allah and the believers. Perhaps this would make them think again.
He pushed the plunger home, as instructed, waiting for the chemicals to mix and explode.
In Washington, Michael Leiter, the director of the National Counterterrorism Center, had set aside the Christmas holiday for a mundane job. He was Jewish, and he had decided to take advantage of the rare morning off to perform an overdue household chore, painting his basement. Just before noon, his cell phone rang. It was Art Cummings, the FBI’s executive assistant director for national security, with a heads‑up: some kind of firecracker or incendiary device had gone off aboard an international flight into Detroit. The plane was about to land and the details were unclear. Leiter put away the paint and headed to his office in a warren of glass towers not far from CIA headquarters in northern Virginia.
In the darkened operations center at Creech Air Force Base in Indian Springs, Nevada, drone operators were changing shifts, joking and grumbling about having to spend the holidays patrolling Yemen from the sky. Three weeks earlier, the 432nd Air Expeditionary Wing Commander, writing on the base website, had offered commiseration, of a sort, to what he called “the RPA community,” for remotely piloted aircraft. He knew, and they knew, that they lived in some strange psychological limbo, on the battlefield and away from the battlefield, living at home but never quite at home. “I know many of you missed Thanksgiving with your families,” he wrote. “I also know many more of you will miss Christmas. But I ask you to step back and examine the environment in which we work. There are thousands of troops on the ground in harm’s way. They missed Thanksgiving with their families also. Some of them won’t see another Thanksgiving again.” He signed it, but not with his name, in keeping with the blanket of secrecy draped over everything to do with drones at Creech. He was commander at the “Home of the Hunters,” as it said on the sign at the gate. He signed it “Hunter 1.”
In the last few weeks, the pilots and sensor operators running the drones over Yemen had been on high alert, with a flurry of intelligence suggesting that Al Qaeda in the Arabian Peninsula, the local branch of the terror network, was up to something. There had been two American strikes in Yemen, carried out not with drones but with cruise missiles and manned jets. The drone units at Creech that were assigned to Pakistan were carrying out their own strikes, firing missiles from unmanned Predator drones at a pace of about once a week. But the Yemen teams could only watch, circling above suspected militant camps in the tribal areas. Their drones were flown out of the little country of Djibouti in the Horn of Africa, a hop across the water from Yemen, and the Djibouti government had not yet permitted the United States to load missiles on its Predators.
The operators at Creech sat for hour after hour, mesmerized by the beige Yemeni landscape as it rolled beneath the drones. But on this Christmas Day their grinding routine was suddenly interrupted by alerts and instructions popping up on their computer screens. A plane had landed in Detroit after a fire of some kind, and there were indications that the incident might have links to Yemen. They were directed to step up patrols and look for any unusual activity. For now, however, they had to leave the shooting to others.
In their plush rented beachfront home in Hawaii, Barack and Michelle Obama were just starting their day, making last-minute checks on the Christmas presents for Malia, eleven, and Sasha, eight. The First Family had escaped Washington only the day before, delaying their vacation getaway to wait for what the wires were calling the Senate’s “historic vote” to approve health care reform. Secret Service officers wearing unaccustomed leisure outfits were politely turning back early-bird beachgoers who hoped to catch a glimpse of the president. The Coast Guard patrolled part of Kailua Bay, cordoned off with yellow markers, to keep nosy sailors away.
The Associated Press had called it “Obama’s aloha low-key holiday,” and White House spokesman Bill Burton told the gaggle of reporters aboard Air Force One on the trip west that the holiday would be “an opportunity for the president to recharge his batteries.” Obama had a message for the press, Burton said: “He would like for you to relax and to not anticipate any public announcements or news-making events.” One reporter kidded back, “We’ve heard this lie before.”
The Obamas were singing Christmas carols when a military aide interrupted and told the president that John Brennan, his counterterrorism adviser, who was staying nearby, was on the phone.
Barack Obama knew he had the responsibility to protect the American people, but the last thing he wanted his presidency to be remembered for was that phrase that had always rankled him, the “war on terror.” You cannot wage war against a tactic, he would say, and he had no interest in becoming a sort of George W. Bush Jr. He had run against some Bush counterterrorism programs because he thought they had besmirched the name of the United States, and to no purpose: the “enhanced interrogation techniques,” given that creepy name by CIA bureaucrats who insisted that torture was not torture; the “black sites” overseas where prisoners were held in secret, in violation of principles the United States had long upheld; the Guantanamo Bay prison that he believed had become a garish recruiting pitch for Al Qaeda. It was proving no easy task to undo such programs; he had banned torture and shut the black sites on his first day in office, but his Justice Department was still investigating torture and deaths in CIA detention, and Congress was blocking his plan to move the Guantanamo detainees to an empty prison in Illinois.
Perhaps Obama’s most audacious foreign policy goal was to repair relations between the United States and the Muslim world. He believed the Bush administration had done grave and unnecessary damage with its counterterrorism policies and with the invasion of Iraq. To restore the American image in Islamic countries was not just a matter of idealism, Obama believed, but could have practical consequences, reducing the appeal of Al Qaeda and making the United States a more effective broker for peace between Israel and the Palestinians. He began his campaign for change with remarks to the Turkish parliament in April, declaring to applause that the United States was not, and never would be, at war with Islam. But it was in a long-awaited speech at Cairo University in the sixth month of his presidency that he pulled out all the stops in his attempt, as he put it, “to seek a new beginning between the United States and Muslims around the world.”
No American president had ever given an address quite like this one. He wasn’t the first president to offer an audience the traditional Muslim greeting, As-salamu alaykum, “Peace be upon you,” but he was certainly the first to speak of the “generations of Muslims” in his father’s family and of fond childhood memories of hearing the call to prayer in Indonesia. Obama quoted the Koran and paid lavish tribute to a long-ago time when Islamic science and learning had led the world, “paving the way for Europe’s Renaissance and Enlightenment.” Today, he said, a “small but potent minority of Muslims” carried out terrorist attacks, and the United States would continue to defend itself against them. But he also offered an unusual apology for the excesses in the American response to terror, including torture and the limbo for prisoners at Guantanamo. “Just as America can never tolerate violence by extremists,” Obama said, “we must never alter our principles. 9/11 was an enormous trauma to our country. The fear and anger that it provoked was understandable, but in some cases, it led us to act contrary to our ideals.”
In truth, while Obama felt it was critical to restore decent relations with Islamic countries, his most heartfelt ambitions lay in the domestic realm. He wanted to dig the economy out of the chasm into which it had fallen as he campaigned for office; to end the scandal that made the United States the only developed country where much of the population lacked health insurance; to reverse the trend of economic inequality that left not just the poor but the middle class struggling; to promote alternative energy and face squarely the dangers of climate change. These were among the problems that The Onion had memorably satirized after the election with the headline “Black Man Given Nation’s Worst Job,” but they were challenges the president relished. The national security stuff simply came with the territory, and the secure communications team and passel of security aides were along on his Christmas vacation, too, lest he forget.
Like every president, and every high-level appointee whose job brought him into the threat briefings, Obama woke every morning to a could-happen horror show, the myriad threats that seventeen American intelligence agencies “assessed with medium confidence,” as their bloodless jargon put it, to be percolating in half a dozen countries. He often remarked to friends that only a president and his security aides could fully appreciate the crushing responsibility of keeping the country safe in the post-9/11 era, when the worst-case scenario was only too obvious. Bush had been surprised by 9/11, after he and his top aides had brushed aside the looming warning signs, but a grieving people had rallied to support him nonetheless. The next president would not have the excuse of surprise.
As it happened, 2009 had been the rockiest year on the domestic terrorism front in a long time--by some measures, the worst year since 9/11. If Obama felt his luck was rotten in that regard, he had good reason. Schemes had been uncovered to blow up the Federal Building in Springfield, Illinois, and synagogues in the Bronx; to shoot marines at their base in Quantico, Virginia; and to kill shoppers at malls in Boston. But those plots had been carefully monitored by the FBI and its informants--indeed, in some cases, the bureau’s paid informants seemed to be the most eager conspirators. Not so the shooting in Little Rock in June of two soldiers at a military recruiting station by an American convert to Islam who had spent time in Yemen, a nasty surprise that had left one army private dead. Nor did the FBI discover until the last minute in August the plan of an Afghan-born man who had been a popular Manhattan coffee vendor, Najibullah Zazi, to attack the New York subway with three suicide bombers wearing explosive-filled backpacks.
Then, the previous month, in early November, had come the deadliest terrorist attack on American soil since 9/11. At Fort Hood, Texas, an army major and psychiatrist, Nidal Hasan, had actually managed to carry out an attack, crying, “Allahu akbar!” before mowing down some fifty people, thirteen of whom died. Hasan’s shooting spree, which followed months of signs that he was developing a lethal hostility to his fellow soldiers, had led to a lot of finger-pointing. Obama was grateful that George W. Bush had refrained from publicly criticizing him; the former president had said that his successor “deserves my silence.” It was an especially gracious stance in light of the fact that Obama had effectively blamed his predecessor for the devastated economy and for betraying American values in the fight against terror. But congressional Republicans and conservative pundits, led by Bush’s former vice president, Dick Cheney, had shown no such reticence. They had spent months advancing the notion that Obama was projecting weakness in the war on terror.
Cheney had accused Obama of “dithering” over whether to send additional troops to Afghanistan. When the Obama administration proposed a federal criminal trial in New York for Khalid Sheikh Mohammed, the main 9/11 plotter, Cheney said it would give “aid and comfort to the enemy,” wording borrowed from the treason statute. After the Fort Hood shooting, he claimed that Obama was helping Al Qaeda by refusing to label the Fort Hood slaughter “terrorism.” The “uncertainty” projected by Obama “feeds into sort of the basic al Qaeda strategy,” Cheney told Sean Hannity of Fox News. “Remember the way al Qaeda operates and what their underlying plan is--if you kill enough Americans, you can change American policy.” Obama refused to call terrorism by its name, the former vice president said, or to acknowledge that the country was at war.
Product details
- ASIN : 0804140294
- Publisher : Tim Duggan Books; First Edition (September 15, 2015)
- Language : English
- Hardcover : 416 pages
- ISBN-10 : 9780804140294
- ISBN-13 : 978-0804140294
- Item Weight : 1.54 pounds
- Dimensions : 6.58 x 1.4 x 9.49 inches
- Best Sellers Rank: #1,204,355 in Books (See Top 100 in Books)
- #1,392 in Terrorism (Books)
- #1,476 in United States Executive Government
- #1,641 in Political Intelligence
- Customer Reviews:
About the author
Scott Shane was a reporter for 15 years at The New York Times, where he was twice a member of teams that won Pulitzer Prizes, and before that for 21 years at The Baltimore Sun. His new book, FLEE NORTH: A Forgotten Hero and the Fight for Freedom in Slavery's Borderland, weaves together the stories of three people: Thomas Smallwood, who bought his freedom, helped hundreds of people escape slavery, and named the underground railroad; Smallwood's white sidekick, Charles Torrey; and the leading slave trader of the 1840s, Hope Slatter.
His two previous books are OBJECTIVE TROY: A Terrorist, A President, and the Rise of the Drone, the story of an American terrorist killed in a drone strike on orders of President Obama; and DISMANTLING UTOPIA: How Information Ended the Soviet Union, a firsthand account of the collapse of the Soviet Union. In 2019-2020 he was a fellow at the SNF Agora Institute at Johns Hopkins University, where he has taught courses on media and on the Russian attack on the 2016 American presidential election.
He lives in Baltimore with his wife, Francie Weeks, who taught English to foreign students for 30 years. They have three children.
Customer reviews
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Learn more how customers reviews work on AmazonCustomers say
Customers find the book well-researched and detailed. They find it interesting and readable, with a strong narrative flow. The writing style is described as thoughtful and scholarly.
AI-generated from the text of customer reviews
Customers appreciate the book's readability. They find it well-researched, detailed, and interesting. The book is objective and thoughtful, covering an important topic and issues.
"A well researched and reported book. The flow is good and Mr. Shane does not get too technical in his explanations...." Read more
"...The author did a fine job of providing a readable examination of his life and continuing relevance to the fundamentalist Islamic movement." Read more
"...This is a good read that gives food for thought for all these - and many other - questions. Well researched and written. I am glad I read this book." Read more
"...Fascinating story, hugely important topic and issues, very well written and, but for a little bit of needless repetition pretty much worth all the..." Read more
Customers find the book well-written and detailed, with a strong narrative flow. They appreciate the in-depth biography of a US citizen turned terrorist. The information provided is outstanding and provides a detailed record of events leading up to the radicalization of Anwar al-Awlaki.
"...The flow is good and Mr. Shane does not get too technical in his explanations...." Read more
"...Well researched and written. I am glad I read this book." Read more
"...Fascinating story, hugely important topic and issues, very well written and, but for a little bit of needless repetition pretty much worth all the..." Read more
"This is a good scholarly book. Fair amount of detail about decision making and eventual execution of such decisions...." Read more
Top reviews from the United States
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- Reviewed in the United States on November 17, 2018A well researched and reported book. The flow is good and Mr. Shane does not get too technical in his explanations. He seems to follow the pattern however of decrying the national security state, blaming Obama for its abuses and his use of it fighting the war on terror, and giving a mild scolding to the Bush administration for creating the thing in the first place. Mr. Shane, unlike other authors however, makes it perfectly clear that Obama was not a pacifist as many of his supporters like to believe, and that the Christmas Day bomb changed his view on the tools that he can use. Very good book, and can't wait to read more books on the history on the War on Terror in the future.
- Reviewed in the United States on October 16, 2017This is a good scholarly book. Fair amount of detail about decision making and eventual execution of such decisions. My only complaint is that, this book is rather dry thesis as opposed story telling.
- Reviewed in the United States on March 22, 2016A fascinating read that I would recommend to everyone. Shane explores the dilemma of the U. S. government killing an American without charge or trial. Are there situations where our constitution can be disregarded? Are there extenuating circumstances to the constitution? Should political expediency prevail over citizen's rights? What should the president's priorities be? Do they outweigh our rights - or our children's? When do extra-judicial killings become proper for a government? There are no easy answers, but Shane does a good job of exploring the dilemmas behind Obama's decisions. This is a good read that gives food for thought for all these - and many other - questions. Well researched and written. I am glad I read this book.
- Reviewed in the United States on August 20, 2016My book group, all women ranging in age from 50-80, read this book and everyone was glad we did. Fascinating story, hugely important topic and issues, very well written and, but for a little bit of needless repetition pretty much worth all the pages it takes. And, since our discussion, we've all come across and shared relavant material from newspapers and other writing that has come out since we met. It's a subject that grabbed us all and keeps our interest. We all feel that we learned a lot and see things in different ways now.
- Reviewed in the United States on June 1, 2017Really in-depth biography of a US citizen turned terrorist. Heaviest treatment of Awlaki as a terrorist; good discussion of the legal merits of the case; lightest on the science and execution of drones.
- Reviewed in the United States on December 5, 2015I thought the story was little all over the place. The book could have been cut in half and it would have been more powerful. The information was outstanding. I learned a lot.
- Reviewed in the United States on October 17, 2019This book is very well written and has a strong narrative flow. More importantly, it is well-researched and very detailed. It provides a detailed record of the events leading up to the radicalization of Anwar al-Awlaki. There are a lot of lessons that can be learned from this book in countering terrorism, and preventing radicalization.
- Reviewed in the United States on December 19, 2015This book did a good job of explaining how we got to killing an American citizen with a drone. It explains the legal rational and the things the person did to deserve to die without a trial. It does a good job of showing the world through the eyes of the father of the terrorist, a father who loved America but disagreed with the killing of his son and grandson. The 2nd half of the book is a little slower, but definitely worth the time.
Top reviews from other countries
- beeReviewed in Canada on June 4, 2017
5.0 out of 5 stars Five Stars
terrific. exhaustively researched. Immensely informative.
- AVReviewed in India on March 4, 2018
5.0 out of 5 stars Excellent read on the rise of drones
Quite a well written book. Does track the story right from the beginning and talks about all the issues quite objectively.
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Victor LopezReviewed in Germany on September 24, 2015
5.0 out of 5 stars Objective Troy wurde nicht empfangen auf mein Tablet
Kindle eBook ist nicht angekommen auf mein Tablet. Bitte nochmals senden. Oder geben Sie mir mein Geld zurück. Ich habe inzwischen das Buch bestellt (Printed, fest gebunden)
Das Buch habe ich gelesen und muss sagen, es war sehr gut
- Amazon CustomerReviewed in Canada on June 23, 2016
5.0 out of 5 stars Five Stars
It is an excellent book. I enjoyed reading it .