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West from Appomattox: The Reconstruction of America after the Civil War Paperback – May 1, 2008
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A Wall Street Journal Bestseller
The story of Reconstruction is not simply about the rebuilding of the South after the Civil War. Instead, the late nineteenth century defined modern America, as Southerners, Northerners, and Westerners gradually hammered out a national identity that united three regions into a country that could become a world power. Ultimately, the story of Reconstruction is about how a middle class formed in America and how its members defined what the nation would stand for, both at home and abroad, for the next century and beyond.
A sweeping history of the United States from the era of Abraham Lincoln to the presidency of Theodore Roosevelt, this engaging book stretches the boundaries of our understanding of Reconstruction. Historian Heather Cox Richardson—whose daily "Letters From an American" Substack newsletter has attracted a wide following—ties the North and West into the post–Civil War story that usually focuses narrowly on the South, encompassing the significant people and events of this profoundly important era.
By weaving together the experiences of real individuals—from a plantation mistress, a Native American warrior, and a labor organizer to Andrew Carnegie, Julia Ward Howe, Booker T. Washington, and Sitting Bull—who lived during the decades following the Civil War and who left records in their own words, Richardson tells a story about the creation of modern America.
- Print length396 pages
- LanguageEnglish
- PublisherYale University Press
- Publication dateMay 1, 2008
- Dimensions9.22 x 6.04 x 1.06 inches
- ISBN-100300136307
- ISBN-13978-0300136302
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Selected as a 2008 AAUP University Press Book for Public and Secondary School Libraries.
“Richardson tells a different story about the United States as a whole during a reconceptualized period of ‘Reconstruction’ after the Civil War.”―Sheldon Hackney, University of Pennsylvania
“Highly original, deeply researched, and important, West from Appomattox has the added advantage of being extremely well written: Heather Cox Richardson’s prose is clear, accessible, and compelling.”―Eric Arnesen, University of Illinois at Chicago
"With a marvelous sense of scope, narrative lucidity, and thorough research, Heather Richardson makes the convincing case that Americans still live in the world that Reconstruction built―or left partly unbuilt. A skilled historian of political economy, Richardson has here written a new and important synthesis of late-nineteenth-century American society enmeshed in a great struggle to determine just what kind of country the Civil War had wrought. This book is deeply informed and a good read; it spurs our effort to help Americans realize that their reading must not stop with Appomattox."―David W. Blight, Yale University, author of Race and Reunion: The Civil War in American Memory
"A truly fresh reconsideration―and a smart and wonderfully written one―of Reconstruction. Richardson pulls back to a genuinely national perspective, and in doing so gives us a strikingly original view of this vitally important time in the national story."―Elliott West, University of Arkansas, Fayetteville
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- Publisher : Yale University Press; Illustrated edition (May 1, 2008)
- Language : English
- Paperback : 396 pages
- ISBN-10 : 0300136307
- ISBN-13 : 978-0300136302
- Item Weight : 1.2 pounds
- Dimensions : 9.22 x 6.04 x 1.06 inches
- Best Sellers Rank: #344,907 in Books (See Top 100 in Books)
- #31 in Civil War Appomattox History
- #2,287 in Ethnic Studies (Books)
- #2,308 in Historical Study (Books)
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Reconstruction as a complete history of the United States between 1865 to 1900, rather than just the transformation of the Southern states. Issues include: Civil Rights, Labor Unions, Women’s Sufferage, Expansion West, Railroad and Trust Monopolies, Political Parties and all the public agitation going with those issues. By the end of the Spanish American War (1898) the nation had started to unify behind a national identity and an identifiable middle class was emerging.
Richardson's work is organized chronologically, starting with the chapter "Spring 1865: The View From The Civil War" and ending with "1898-1901: Reunion." Two themes emerge early on in the work. First, there was a unifying force between North and South, and that was the West, and a desire to exterminate Indians. Regardless of the philosophical struggle between free-labor and slave-labor, it is clear that the Native Americans were an inconvenience that fit in neither camp's vision of a post-war America.
More central to Richardson's work however, is the vision of a political struggle that would accompany reconstruction. It was government that would have to make a harmonious free-labor society work after the war, and how this was going to happen was the "most important question of the day." Richardson does an admirable job of illustrating the Northerner's cognitive dissonance. On the one hand they believed in government reconstruction, but on the other, they were nervous about the cost of the continued military occupation in the South.
While reconstruction was grinding forward, other northern distractions would begin to shift attention away from reconstruction. The "perceived political danger" posed by immigrant labor, the rising issues of gender, and the plight of urbanization would begin to overtake the issues in the South. Strikers and "lazy African-Americans in southern governments" were incongruent to the hard-working American middle class vision defined by Richardson as free-labor.
By the mid-1870s, Republicans were losing their political grip. Democrats pushed free-labor hot spots with rhetoric that demanded civil-service reform and lower tariffs while the Republicans had "little to offer voters other than their destruction of slavery." When the democrat Wade Hampton won the contentious governorship in South Carolina, and the Republican's had to be removed from their statehouse occupation by force, the end of reconstruction became a foregone conclusion. Hayes's election to the presidency, predicated on his bowing to the will of the South, shifted the attention of the middle-class permanently away from the South.
By the mid-1880s, it was clear that Richardson's mainstream Americans had rejected a government that "responded to the special interests" and began to accept the idea of a Progressive government that would benefit the "general interest" of the people. Government intervention was okay, as long as it was intervention that ran parallel to mainstream America's free-labor ideals. This was an ominous sign for labor, Indians, and African-Americans who did fit into the middle class's vision of America.
While the Indians never would fit into the mainstream American vision, African-Americans with the help of Booker T. Washington would at least placate the middle class. The vision of how society and technology should be was well represented in 1893 at the World's Fair in Chicago, a harbinger in the belief of American progress. While Populists and organized labor seemed to some to be a hedge against big government, the contemporaneous spin machines viewed them as a threat to "place government into the hands of a mob." McKinley's victory began to define what the mainstream's vision was.
Meanwhile, gold in Bonanza Creek, John Muir's promotion of nature, and Theodore Roosevelt's Rough Riders would begin to coalesce the ideal that the true individualist was found in the West. With the blending of Progressivism and Manifest Destiny, the Cuban crisis was a timely event. Appealing to both the humanitarian and expansionist American emotion, America was "primed for a struggle." Richardson begins to round out her Western thesis by bringing "impatient Westerners" into the Cuban fold. Frank James, Buffalo Bill, and Roosevelt's cowboys were itching for a fight in Cuba--the real individualists, the real Americans.
While Frederick Jackson Turner may have closed the frontier, Teddy Roosevelt reopened it, and for Richardson, it was that opening that redefined America. Richardson's thesis, that Americans "hammered out a national identity" between 1865 and 1901 that united around an image of rugged American West individualism is on its surface a Turnerian view of America, but Turner based his thesis on the tangible--land. Richardson's frontier is a vision, emotionally constructed by American's searching for redefinition after 1865.
Her research, based on primary cultural sources, goes far to back her argument and she brings her thesis forward to today, with Ronald Reagan and George W. Bush's Western persona as proof of the enduring nature of the cowboy imagery. Today's candidates such as the maverick and the rogue along with Texas Rick Perry continue to attest to the popularity of the Western image in both politics and American popular culture.